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asides

A Big Step in Reparations

From House Panel Advances Bill to Study Reparations in Historic Vote:

A House committee voted on Wednesday to recommend for the first time the creation of a commission to consider providing Black Americans with reparations for slavery in the United States and a “national apology” for centuries of discrimination.

I’m currently reading a graphic novel about Canada’s indigenous population in the Northwest Territories, and so much of the reporting depends on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s investigation of the Indian Residential Schools, a harrowing episode in Canada’s history that resulted in the cultural destruction of Canada’s indigenous peoples. 

While I am absolutely in favor of reparations for the United States’ historic exploitation of black bodies and its continued subjugation of black people, I don’t believe a Congress that refuses to accept the basic principle of majoritarian rule will ever get 60+ votes in the Senate for a reparations bill. I can, however, be hopeful for the creation and funding of a Truth & Reconciliation Commission

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asides

“Experience Matters”

From For Voting Rights Advocates, a ‘Once in a Generation Moment’ Looms:

“You’re president of the United States. You need to do more than hope that it passes,” said [the Executive Director of the Black Lives Matter Fund] of Mr. Biden. “He needs to use everything he’s learned over 47 years in Washington, D.C., to get [HR 1] passed.”

President Biden’s campaign against his younger, fresher-faced Democratic primary opponents in 2019 and 2020 focused on his vast experience in Washington D.C. He claimed that this experience, particularly working across the aisle with his Republican colleagues in the Senate, would allow him to push through a Democratic agenda more successfully than his opponents. 

He didn’t seem willing to use that experience on behalf of the millions of Americans who work for minimum wage. But he has no excuse for not using it to work on behalf of every voting-age American. This bill doesn’t help “a party.” It helps everyone. He needs to fight.

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politics

Flip the Filibuster’s Pain

About a month ago, in an Op-Ed titled, Make the filibuster great again, former senator Al Franken and political scientist Norman Ornstein proposed changing which party is responsible for maintaining/breaking the filibuster:

Flip the numbers. Instead of requiring 60 votes to end debate, require 41 to continue debate. Then, the majority leader could call votes any time the Senate was in session, and the minority would have to show up. Including for votes at 3 a.m. or 4 a.m., coming off their lumpy cots off the Senate floor. Around the clock. Including 87-year-old Chuck Grassley and both 86-year-olds Richard Shelby and Jim Inhofe. And soon-to-be-79-year-old Mitch McConnell. No Mondays off while only the majority ha[s] to be there. Weekends in D.C., including for the 17 Republicans up for re-election in 2022, who want to be back home campaigning.

Franken and Ornstein are onto something here. While I’m in favor of abolishing the filibuster altogether, this suggestion at reform might be acceptable to conservative Democrats such as Senators Manchin and Sinema, the former of whom recently said he’s open to making the filibuster more “painful” to use.

While Senator Sinema recently told her constituents that she supports “the 60-vote threshold on all Senate actions,” Franken and Ornstein’s proposal keeps the 60-vote threshold intact; it just flips the onus on which party has to reach it. As it stands, the majority needs to whip up 60 votes. If the Senate adopted Franken and Ornstein’s reform, the minority would have to whip 41. 

With Minority Leader McConnell’s ability to maintain party discipline makes it possible that the Republican minority would continue to take the obstructionist path, Franken predicts that the mundane realities of a “talking filibuster” would quickly run up against the stamina of the Senate’s many octogenarians.

If we’re not going to abolish the filibuster, then Franken and Ornstein’s proposal might be the best compromise.

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asides

For Democracy to Stay, the Filibuster Must Go

From For Democracy to Stay, the Filibuster Must Go:

Whatever grand principles have been used to sustain the filibuster over the years, it is clear as a matter of history, theory and practice that it vindicates none of them. If America is to be governed competently and fairly — if it is to be governed at all — the filibuster must go.

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politics

Focus on Bipartisanship With Americans, Not With Their Politicians

In 2010, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell made it clear to his Republican colleagues that their coöperation with the Obama Administration would not be tolerated, especially on healthcare reform. According to Kill Switch: The Rise of the Modern Senate and the Crippling of American Democracy, Senator McConnell (supported by the rancor of the Tea Party, which was fueled and funded by the billionaire, anti-union, libertarian-leaning Koch Brothers) used his power over committee assignments to bully Republican senators such as Chuck Grassley of Iowa and Olympia Snow of Maine from supporting a healthcare bill that, by design, consisted mostly of Republican policy proposals and was, in many ways, “the same fucking bill” as the one passed in Massachusetts by a Republican governor, Mitt Romney.

Despite having been sent to Congress to provide solutions to America’s many problems, Majority Leader McConnell’s marching orders for the Republican caucus in 2010 focused exclusively on obstructing President Obama’s agenda. Instead of working with the Democrats to ensure Republican principles were embedded in legislation, Republicans allowed themselves to be bullied by the leader and his allies into simply saying “No” to anything the Democrats tried to do.

Over the next ten years, the partisan divide between Republicans and Democrats metastasized, to the point where, as Nathan Kalmoe of Louisiana State University and Lilliana Mason of the University of Maryland found in their study on Lethal Mass Partisanship, “40-60% [of partisans] hold views that rationalize harming opponents” and “5-15% report feeling partisan schadenfreude or endorse partisan violence” (schadenfreude, for example, includes “Democrats feeling less concerned and more pleased about minor physical harm to President George W. Bush after a bicycle accident”).  

According to Kalmoe and Mason, virtually half of all current partisans hold attitudes that include “vilification and dehumanization of targets, blaming targets and emphasizing their deservingness for punishment, holding morally righteous views of oneself or one’s group, displacement of personal or collective responsibility for harm done, and minimizing or misrepresenting the extent of those harms.”

Their findings show that roughly 60-70% of both Republicans and Democrats agree with the notion that the other party is “a serious threat to the United States and its people.” Worryingly, 15% of Republicans and 20% of Democrats “agreed that the country would be better off if large numbers of opposing partisans in the public today ‘just died.” As the authors of the study remark, this is “a shockingly brutal sentiment.”

The extremes of this trend can be seen clearly in the “Trump 2020: Fuck Your Feelings” campaign rhetoric of 2020 and in the partisan violence that erupted during the insurrection of January 6th

In today’s 117th Congress, Democrats hold a slim majority of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, 221-211 (with three vacancies). The Senate, meanwhile, is divided evenly between 48 Democrats and 50 Republicans, with the nation’s two independent senators, Angus King of Maine and Bernie Sanders of Vermont, caucusing with the Democrats. Vice-President Harris’ tie-breaking vote determines control of the chamber, which puts the Democrats in charge of the floor.

Two weeks ago, the House approved a $1.9 trillion COVID relief package by a vote of 219-212, “with every Republican voting against the measure and just two Democrats joining them — Jared Golden of Maine and Kurt Schrader of Oregon.” On Friday, after a chaotic week of legislative infighting between progressive and “centrist” (re: conservative) Democratic senators, the Senate Democrats passed their own version of the package by a vote of 50-49 (the missing Republican vote needed to attend a funeral). This means that one of the largest bills in Congressional history, a bill that spends $1.9 trillion on the American people and their states, passed without a single vote from the minority party.

Unfortunately, President Biden made bipartisanship one of his defining campaign promises — not just in the general election against former President Trump, but also in the primaries, where he claimed his relationships with Republicans in the Senate would make his agenda more passable than “the political revolution” promised by Senator Sanders. Now Republicans are using the strict party-line vote on COVID relief to claim that President Biden has broken his promise to the American people.

However, as Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, told a reporter last week, bipartisanship doesn’t mean working with Republican Senators and Representatives who refuse to accept the legitimacy of the President. Instead, it means passing legislation that is supported by the vast majority of Americans, and according to polls, 62% of voters, including almost half of all Republicans, support the Democrats’ COVID relief bill, preferring its swift passage over Democratic coöperation with Congressional Republicans.

Representative Jayapal is absolutely correct. The hyper-partisanship that governs the Republican primary system and the base’s continued allegiance to former President Trump all but ensures that McConnell-style obstructionists will rise to the top of the G.O.P. As in 2010, these individuals would rather play naked power-politics than actually engage with their fellow citizens on solving any of America’s problems. 

Despite not winning a single Republican vote on what is sure to be one of his administration’s major legislative victories, the President doubled down on his desire for bipartisanship. “There’s a lot of Republicans who came very close [to voting for the bill],” he told reporters. “They’ve got a lot of pressure on them. I still haven’t given up on getting their support.”

But as we saw with the elimination of the minimum-wage increase in the COVID Relief bill, bridging the gap between progressive and centrist Democrats is hard enough without also courting the votes of the reality-challenged insurrectionists of the Republican caucus.

While Republican officials continue to take the obstructionist path in an attempt pacify the fury of their Trump-supporting base, Americans of all stripes support a myriad of proposals for change, including:

The President should stop paying lip service to “official” bipartisanship and push for policies supported by the vast majority of Americans. It’s the only way to move the country forward.

Categories
asides

There Is a Generational Divide Among Republicans

From There Is a Generational Divide Among Republicans:

The formula is simple or at least ought to be: Americans should be able to support a family of four, own a home and send their kids to school on a single median wage. The party that understands this, talks about it honestly and addresses the problem effectively will win a lot of elections. And they’ll deserve to.

Categories
life politics reviews

On Liquid Democracy & Realistically Hopeful Insights into Vermont’s Future

I’m currently reading a book titled Liquid Reign. While terribly written on a sentence-by-sentence level (c’mon, man! stick with a consistent tense!), its non-dystopian/non-utopian vision of a future run on liquid democracy and the blockchain is one of the most inspiring books I’ve read. The intelligence, humor, and cultural preferences of the author shine through the text, as does his clear-eyed, evidence-based understanding of the negative impacts of his vision. I also love how at the end of each chapter he links the reader to whatever inspired the concepts he introduces or explores. Finally, I love that the author published the novel using a Creative Commons license, living up to the novel’s obvious ethic.

In case you’ve never heard of it (as I hadn’t just a few weeks ago), liquid democracy is the radical idea that you should be in charge of your vote.

In the most idealistic version of American democracy, every two years, you are allowed to select from among your neighbors an individual to travel to Washington D.C. to represent your and/or your community’s interests. On every question that comes before the American people for the next two years, you delegate your vote to this representative.

Additionally, every four years, you have the opportunity to influence the selection of the nation’s chief executive. Your influence is minimal though not insignificant (depending on which state you live in), and it allows you to breathe at least some of your preferences into the spirit of our nation’s laws.

Finally, every six years, your entire state receives the opportunity to delegate its vote on every question to one individual who lives in your state but whom you’ve probably never met and who almost certainly will never know your name.

When you’ve delegated your vote on every question to three individuals, two of whom you’ve probably never met and the last of whom you probably barely know, why would you believe you live in a democracy?

To be fair, direct democracy is difficult in small societies and untenable in large ones. We cannot expect every voter to be legitimately informed on every question (of course, when the United States Congress is passing 5,000+ page bills less than 24 hours after they’ve been released, we obviously don’t expect our well-paid, professional representatives to be legitimately informed either).

But a liquid democracy provides voters with the opportunity to vote directly (and participate directly) on every question that sparks their interest or to delegate their vote to whomever they like on any topic or question for which they don’t have the time, knowledge, expertise, or interest.

A quick example. While I care a lot about the corruptive effects of money on our democracy, I don’t have enough understanding of the nuances involved to vote on the low-level regulations necessary to counteract it. However, I’ve listened to enough speeches and read enough articles by Lawrence Lessig to know I trust him on the issue. Instead of directly participating in any of the many decisions necessary to enact meaningful anticorruption laws, I could delegate all my votes on the topic to him.

If, in turn, Mr. Lessig knew someone he trusted more than himself on the issue, he could delegate my vote and his vote and any other vote he controls on the issue to that more trustworthy person. I would be notified of the change and would be able to decide whether to keep my vote with that new person or take it back for myself.

And I could do something similar on virtually every decision that needs to be made in our democracy.

Additionally, because I can retract my vote from my delegates at any time, there is no more election cycle. Delegates must continue to prove their worthiness to carry my vote, and the minute they lose my faith or someone else impresses me more, I can change who represents me.

The idea is so powerfully simple that it seems like a no-brainer, with the only questions being ones of implementation. How private is a person’s vote? How does the system stay informed as to who is delegated by whom and on what range of issues? How does a voter know when their delegate has cast their vote? What issues are available to vote on? Etc.

The book answers most of its implementation questions with “the blockchain,” but not in a way that means “magic.” When it comes to blockchain technology and its potential over the next several decades, the author seems to know what he’s talking about, and he’s nerdy enough to include most of it in his plot, characterization, and dialogue.

I, however, cannot distinguish this sufficiently advanced technology from magic, and so were you to ask me, I’d simply say, “the blockchain.”

One thing that excites me about the book is the level of research and insight it demonstrates. It must have been so fun for the author to look deeply into a wide variety of technological possibilities and threats (not just blockchain, but virtual reality, artificial intelligence, green transportation, resilient communities, and so much more), combine them with a deep knowledge of alternative political and economical models (such as anarchism, socialism, liquid democracy, the military-industrial complex, etc.) and a fun sense of oracality for cultural and social movements to provide a deeply realistic vision of the future, one where the worst of us still lives and thrives among the best of us.

I’d like to do something similar, but concentrate my efforts on my local community. I’ve written an experimental novel that attempts to imagine an alternative future for my state, but it was (and was intended to be) wholly divorced from reality. In its second chapter, it introduces an eight-year-old girl with “a third eye in the middle of her forehead, [a] persimmon-irised, ebony-eyeballed third eye in the middle of the child’s pale, white forehead.” From that moment on, everything I wrote in the book said “Fuck it” to reality (or in the language of the novel, “skrinkle lee”).

I’d like to try again — not to write another novel on the secession of Vermont, but to envision a non-fantasy-based, evidence-riven, activist-driven, hopeful future for my community.

In 2005, our local environmental guru, Bill McKibben, penned a book entitled, Wandering Home: A Long Walk Across America’s Most Hopeful Landscape: Vermont’s Champlain Valley and New York’s Adirondacks. The book is based on a long, multi-day walk that McKibben takes from his home in the heart of the Green Mountains to another home he owns in the heart of the Adirondacks. Along the way, he visits with and tells the story of a number of entrepreneurs and activists who call the valley between them home, and he uses what he learns to suggest a reality-based vision of what’s possible.

Meanwhile, for the past 10 years, I’ve been actively working with young people who live at the southern end of McKibben’s same valley, people whose daily lives are filled with trauma and struggle and who can hardly lift their head high enough to hope for something better.

I want to help these people connect with the resources they need to participate in the hopeful future McKibben so beautifully writes about. I want to research the wide variety of ways our local entrepreneurs, educators, and activists can help individuals who are struggling cross the gap between what is and what can be, and like the author of Liquid Reign, I want to use my skills for research and writing to do it.